cleavage structures, party systems and voter alignments: an introduction

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Why stop there? in defence of their common interests, the threshold is high; if each competes on its own, it is low. . (Lipset S M & Rokian S, eds.) THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION Commitment to Commitment to Commitment to Commitment to Landed Urban Landed Urban Landed Urban Landed Urban Interests Interests Interests Interests Type: I II III IV V VI VII VIII FIG. But cleavages do not translate themselves into party oppositions as a matter of course: there are considerations of organizational and electoral strategy; there is the weighing of pay~offs of alliances against losses through split-offs; and there is the successive narrowing of the 'mobilization market' through the time sequences of organizational efforts. This review of the conditions for the translation of sociocultural cleavages into political oppositions suggests three conclusions. In the religiously mixed countries and in purely Catholic ones, however, the ideas of the French Revolution proved highly divisive. For a definition of this concept and a specification of possible indicators, see Karl Deutsch, 'Social Mobilization and Political Development', American Political Science Review, 55 (196 1), 493-514. This was essentially an expression of protest against the central elite of officials and patricians (a cleavage on the 1-g axis in our model), but there were also elements of economic opposition in the movement: the peasants felt exploited in their dealings with city folk and wanted to shift the tax burdens to the expanding urban economies. . In the Lutheran countries, steps were taken as early as in the seventeenth century to enforce elementary education in the vernacular for all children. The development of compulsory education under centralized secular control for all children of the nation came into direct conflict with the established rights of the religious pouvoirs intemidiaires and triggered waves of mass mobilization into nationwide parties of protest. New Brunswick. The surviving formations tended to be firmly entrenched in the inherited social structure and could not easily be dislodged through changes in the rules of the electoral game. 9. For a review of this literature, see S. M. Lipset, 'Introduction: Ostrogorski and the Analytical Approach to the Comparative Study of Political Parties', in M. I. Ostrogorski, Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties (abridged edn. If they join together. This was far more than a matter of economics. You can write a book review and share your experiences. Scholarly prudence prompts us to proceed case by case, but intellectual impatience urges us to go beyond the analysis of concrete contrasts and try out alternative schemes of systematization across the known cases. 9.2]. Through a process very similar to the one to be described for the Socialist parties, these church movements tended to isolate their supporters from outside influence through the development of a wide variety of parallel organizations and agencies: they not only built up schools and youth movements of their own, but also developed confessionally distinct trade unions, sports clubs, leisure associations, publishing houses, magazines , newspapers, in one or two cases even radio and television stations. At this end the alignments are specific and the conflicts tend to be solved through rational bargaining and the establishment of universalistic rules of allocation. ): Party Systems and Voter Alignments: Cross-National Perspectives. The result was the formation of a variety of labour unions and the development of nationwide Socialist parties. However, the fundamental issue between Church and State focused on the control of education. Very much needs to be done in reanalysing the evidence for each national party system and even more in exploring the possibilities of fitting such findings into a wider framework of developmental theory. Third, the decisive moves to lower the threshold of representation reflected divisions among the established régime censitaire parties rather than pressures from the new mass movements. Perhaps the best example of institutionalized segmentation is found in the Netherlands; in fact, the Dutch word Verzuiling has recently become a standard term for tendencies to develop vertical networks (zuilen, columns or pillars) of associations and institutions to ensure maximum loyalty to each church and to protect the supporters from cross-cutting communications and pressures. Even after the rise of the working-class parties to national dominance, these Agrarian parties did not find it possible to establish common fronts with the Conservative defenders of the business community. The file will be sent to your email address. Most of the parties aspiring to majority positions in the West are conglomerates of groups differing on wide ranges of issues, but still united in their greater hostility to their competitors in the other camps. ), Cleavages, Ideologies and Par!y Systems (Helsinki: Westermarck Society, 1964), 97-131. How was this possible? They emerge with increasing interaction and communication across the localities and the regions, and they spread through a process of 'social mobilization'[6] The growing nation-state developed a wide range of agencies of unification and standardization and gradually penetrated the bastions of I primordial' local culture. The conflict is no longer over specific gains or losses but over conceptions of moral right and over the interpretation of history and human destiny; membership is no longer a matter of multiple affiliation in many directions, but a diffuse '24-hour' commitment incompatible with other ties within the community; and communication is no longer kept flowing freely over the cleavage lines but restricted and regulated to protect the movement against impurities and the seeds of compromise. One of the first political analysts to call attention to these developments was Herbert Tingsten, then editor-in-chief of the leading Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter. 91-111. Which of the many contrasts and conflicts were translated into party oppositions, and how were these oppositions built into stable systems? This is the phrase used by Ernest Fraenkel, 'Pariament und oeffentliche Meinung', in Zur Geschichte und Problematik der Demokratie: Festgabe fuer H. Herzfeld (Berlin: Duncker & Humbolt, 1958), 178. Working-class parties emerged in every country of Europe in the wake of the early waves of industrialization. But this system makes heavy demands on the loyalty of the constituents: in two-party contests up to 49 per cent of them may have to abide by the decisions of a representative they did not want; in three-cornered fights, as much as 66 per cent. Find books Dutch society has for close to a century been divided into three distinct subcultures: the national-liberal secular, frequently referred to as the algemene, the 'general' sector; the orthodox Protestant column; and the Roman Catholic column. References 'The conflict between Conservatives and Liberals reflected an opposition between two value orientations: the recognition of status through ascription and kin connections versus the claims for status through achievement and enterprise.

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